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Whose Tax Plan Is Best?

October 17, 2016 / 13:16

This episode features Kent Smeters, a Wharton professor discussing the Penn Wharton budget model, tax policy, and the proposals from presidential candidates.

Kent explains the differences between the tax plans of candidates Clinton and Trump, as well as the House GOP plan led by Speaker Ryan and Chairman Kevin Brady. He highlights changes in marginal tax rates and deductions that affect individual households.

For businesses, Kent discusses how the Trump and House GOP plans lower corporate tax rates and accelerate depreciation, while Clinton's plan increases corporate tax rates. He notes that these changes impact economic activity differently.

The conversation also covers the behavioral assumptions in the budget model, emphasizing the importance of international capital flows and how they affect economic outcomes.

Kent concludes by inviting listeners to explore the budget model online for a deeper understanding of tax policy implications.

TLDR

Kent Smeters discusses tax policy and the Penn Wharton budget model, focusing on presidential candidates' proposals and their economic impacts.

Episode

13:16
00:00:02
We're here with Kent Smeters. He's a Wharton professor of business economics
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and public policy. Welcome, Kent. Good to be here. He's going to talk to us today about the latest iteration of the
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Penn Wharton budget model which Kent was instrumental in developing and uh this is a free nonpartisan online interactive
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model uh which anyone can can plug into. Uh, and the last time we spoke, we covered social security and immigration,
00:00:31
the effects that they might have on on the budget. And this time, we're going
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to talk about tax policy, uh, those policies of the two presidential candidates and also, I think, a couple
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of other, uh, leading proposals that are floating around Congress, but I guess we'll focus mostly on the presidential
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candidates. So, uh, let's just jump into it. What What are the different tax
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plans that you're analyzing? Yeah. So, we uh as you just mentioned the two presidential candidates Clinton and
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Trump and there's also been a very large effort by the House GOP led by Speaker
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Ryan and chairman Kevin Brady of the House Budget Committee. Um and so we've
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also been uh we also analyze their plan. So what are the main features of the plans for the average household? Yeah,
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for individual households there's all the plans have basically make two adjustments. The first is simply the
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marginal tax rates are changing. And in particular, the marginal tax rate is how
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much uh in taxes you pay for the next dollar that that you make. And economists generally believe marginal
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tax rates are much more important for economic activity than say the average tax rate that you you you face. And the
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second thing that the plans do is they change the amount of um itemized and standard deductions. And that's that's
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the amount of income that you can have before you're taxed. And what about for
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business taxation? That's where there's a lot bigger amount of changes, especially in the Trump and the House
00:02:03
GOP plan. First, the corporate tax rate itself is lowered in both the Trump and the House GOP plan. And in the Clinton
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plan, it's actually increased uh a little bit. And the second thing that the Trump and uh uh House GOP plan in
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particular do, which is the the most aggressive thing, is that they accelerate the the rate at which uh uh
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companies can depreciate their capital investments. And economists actually generally believe that that's much more
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important for stimulating the economy than the corporate tax rate itself. And the reason why is by accelerating the
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amount of depreciation sometimes called expensing it only isolates new investment whereas changing the
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corporate tax rate is not just impacting new investment but existing installed capital as well. And uh the third thing
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that the Trump and uh Ryan plans do is that they affect what's called the pass
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through rate. Some capital income is taxed at the household level, some at the corporate level. More of theirs
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would be taxed at the corporate level, which will have a lower tax rate. So, what are the main differences between
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those plans? Right. I mean, it's a sweeping generalization. Um, but roughly speaking, you know, the Trump
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plan is the most aggressive. Uh, the Clinton plan is the least aggressive, and the House GOP is kind of in between.
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and um a bit a bit closer uh uh uh to the to the Trump plan. Though when you say aggressive, you mean just the the uh
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degree of change, just the overall degree of change. That's right. All right. So, um so users can go to your
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website and look at different scenarios. Uh the budget model for social security
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and immigration uh looked very much at uh uh specifically how an individual change would change the bottom line. But
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when it comes to taxes, it's a little more complicated because you get into behavioral issues. What will people do
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with a tax savings? How will they spend it? Where will they put that money? And as you talked about, for example,
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accelerated depreciation that's changing a company's business decisions. So talk
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about that a little bit, those differences. Yeah. So in the case of social security and immigration, what
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our simulas allow people to do is to uh go and play with their own policy ideas of for example um raising the retirement
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age or changing the amount of uh the the taxable maximum that's applied of income
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that's applied to social security. Um and the and less important in the in social security and immigration are
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things like demographic assumptions. Those are the things that economists are much more aligned on. Um, when it comes
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to tax policy, where the big disagreement is is is actually on the behavioral assumptions. And so that's
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what we're highlighting in the in the simulator itself. And also the candidates themselves, they have
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specified what the policies are. And so, um, we're focused more on, uh, giving
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letting people see if they believe, um, uh, one behavioral assumption is more important than the other. They can test
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their their their ideas. Eventually, after the election is over, we'll we'll
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bring back to the tax calculator, um, the ability for people to design their own tax plans. So, this difference u in
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in this behavioral aspect, how how is that handled? Because in the end, that's
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a judgment call. Correct. So you offer different scenarios where you can uh where where users could make a judgment
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about how they expect taxpayers to react and Yes. Yes. And so in particular there's really four basic um controls.
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The one that's the most important is the is the rate at which international capital will flow in and out of the
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United States. And that one is by far the most important um one because uh several of the tax plans in particular
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Trump and the House GOP will create some deficits along the way. And if international capital flows are very
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aggressive then that will um minimize the negative impact of those deficits on the economy. If uh however, if we're
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closer to a closed economy than those deficits that compete for household saving and reduce private capital um but
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then we have other assumptions. So that's that's the famous crowding out
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effect. Correct. Yes, that's that's exactly right. Okay. And so more international capital flows, less
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crowding out um and so it's more favorable. Um uh then we have other assumptions like how much do households
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themselves increase their labor supply or decrease it with respect to a tax change and uh this uh what's called a
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saving elasticity. How much do they respond in changing or saving? Historically academic models have really
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focused on those elasticities the labor supply elasticity and the saving elasticity. And the reason why is
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academic models typically focus on balanced budget um experiments uh kind of like optimal tax design type stuff
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for a given amount of revenue. But it actually turns out for this exercise um the international capital flows is by
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far the most important assumption. Uh and so how do these things stack up against each other? I assume I'm
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assuming that you made assumptions that your your best idea about how things were likely to go when you were choosing
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these behavioral aspects. Uh what did you find when you did that? Yeah, I mean so when we um we provide a a very
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generous uh range of those different behav behavioral assumption parameters and so it's not necessarily that I
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personally believe that range is that wide. You plural, but yeah, that's right. And uh but at the same time we do
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pick what we think is a reasonable baseline but then allow users to change that. And so when it comes to uh how do
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we come up with a reasonable baseline is that we've uh in conjunction of with uh
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building out the simulator have conducted empirical exercises and reviews of the literature to uh narrow
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down what we think is a reasonable kind of starting point for people. But in the
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case of the tax simulator, there's 256 different combinations that people can
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play with, you know, so that they um if they have different judgments about it, they they can they can decide for
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themselves. But how did it turn out when you uh when uh your group let's say put
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in what would be the most likely scenario from their point of view, right? So we why don't we because the
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upcoming election maybe just discuss the the Clinton versus you know Trump analysis and so what we viewed as the
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most likely scenario um is uh for in the Clinton plan in the short run it's fairly neutral on the
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economy. There's a small little you know positive followed by a small little uh
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negative but it's it's it's fairly neutral in terms of uh GDP jobs and so
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forth. And this would be just tax policy, not accounting. For example, I mean, both candidates, for example, are
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talking about uh fiscal spending, right? They're talking about, you know, spending on infrastructure and that sort
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of thing. So, this is just looking this is isolating tax. That's right. It's
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it's focused on on just the tax policy in the long run because uh the Clinton
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plan is overall increasing taxes. it's actually leading to lower debt um that
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that otherwise would have occurred under current policy and that's actually having a positive effect on jobs. So by
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2027 uh we're projecting there will be about 600,000 more jobs by 2040 about 2
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million more jobs um uh than otherwise would have had in that year. So these aren't enormous changes, but they um
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start out at, you know, slightly neutral and then going to more more positive. For Trump, it's just basically the
00:10:12
opposite. Almost all the bang comes early on. And in the in the short run, we're projecting that GDP will go up
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about 1.75%. And a real upperbound calculation on how many jobs would be calc uh would be uh
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produced um is about two two and a half million jobs would be produced early on with his approach. However, over time,
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because his plan is very unbalanced uh fiscally, it's going to produce fairly
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large deficits, and that's going to have this crowding out effect. It's going to
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be competing for with uh uh for with private capital for household saving. And so, we're projecting by within 10
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years, 2027, um he uh we'll actually have 700,000 uh fewer jobs. And by 2040, if the debt
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is just continues to kind of almost spiral out of control, uh we're actually
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projecting 11 million fewer jobs. So it be very interesting down the road when policies are chosen and so forth
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for you to look back and say here's what the model projected, here's what
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actually happened and you'll be able to tweak it in and in in different ways.
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That's right. And and that's why I like to say all models are wrong. I mean
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there's no model that is going to have you know perfect crystal ball in into
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the future. What we really get from these models is more understanding kind of the direction of things. Is this
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likely to be stimulating or contractionary for that economy relative to where the economy eventually lands.
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Um it's those what we call deltas that we think are more reliable. And then essentially how big are those deltas?
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Are we talking about a small impact and potentially large large impact? And for someone who wants to dabble in this
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model, where can they go to see it? Yeah, they can go to um simply our our website wi which is uh uh www um
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budgetmodel.warton.upen.edu. Okay. Anything else you'd like to add that we haven't covered about this? No,
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I think um you know the big picture is this whole u um you know project is really consistent with you know the
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Wharton school's overall vision you know of trying to use data analytics advances in theoretical modeling as well
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as cloud computing all these things that we're we use um for things in you know
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like marketing and business analytics we're now applying this to public policy
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and so this is you know I think an exciting venture for us and and the Wharton School. Thanks for coming in
00:12:50
today. Thanks for having me. [Music]

Episode Highlights

  • Analyzing Tax Plans
    Kent Smeters discusses the tax plans of presidential candidates Clinton and Trump, highlighting their key differences and implications.
    “The Trump plan is the most aggressive.”
    @ 03m 26s
    October 17, 2016
  • Impact of Tax Policies
    The discussion reveals how different tax policies could affect job growth and the economy over time.
    “By 2040, we project 11 million fewer jobs under Trump's plan.”
    @ 11m 11s
    October 17, 2016

Episode Quotes

  • All models are wrong. There's no model that will have a perfect crystal ball.
    Whose Tax Plan Is Best?

Key Moments

  • Introduction00:02
  • Tax Policy Discussion00:34
  • Behavioral Assumptions04:51
  • Model Limitations11:29

Tension Over Time

Words per Minute Over Time

Vibes Breakdown