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Trade War with China

May 02, 2019 / 30:13

This episode discusses U.S.-China trade relations, featuring Jacques de Lille and Charlene Bartowski, former U.S. Trade Representative. Topics include China's WTO accession, trade wars, and economic policies.

Jacques de Lille introduces Charlene Bartowski, who reflects on her experience during China's entry into the WTO in 2000. They discuss the initial optimism surrounding trade relations and how that has shifted over the years.

They analyze the changes in China's economic policies under Xi Jinping, highlighting a move from market-oriented reforms to state-led enterprises and technology competition. Bartowski emphasizes the impact of these changes on U.S. manufacturing and trade.

De Lille and Bartowski explore the U.S. response to China's practices, including the enforcement of WTO commitments and the challenges in addressing issues like forced technology transfer and market access.

The conversation concludes with a discussion on the importance of U.S. domestic policies and alliances in managing the complex relationship with China, stressing the need for a balanced approach to avoid conflict.

TL;DR

Jacques de Lille and Charlene Bartowski discuss U.S.-China trade relations, examining historical context, current tensions, and future implications for both economies.

Episode

30:13
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hi I'm Jacques de Lille I'm professor of
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law and political science and deputy
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director of the Center for the Study of
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contemporary China here at Penn and I'm
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delighted to have with us today Charlene
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Bartowski ambassador of our chefs key
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has worn many hats including the one
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probably most familiar to those who
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watch the China issues was her role as
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the US Trade Representative during the
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Clinton administration when China
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entered the WTO so we're gonna be
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talking about some of that history and
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where we are now and how we get out of
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it perhaps in a bit of time we have
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today
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so we're 40 years past the opening to
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China really the normalization of
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relations which brought conditional
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most-favored nation or normal trade
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relations status between China and the
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US the u.s. granting that to China and
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of course in 2000 you finished a very
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long and painful negotiation that led to
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Congress passing permanent normal trade
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in relations which was a condition for
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China getting into the u.s. you didn't
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to the WTO or perhaps more precisely for
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the u.s. meeting the obligations it
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would then have to China and that was a
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very successful story right China
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becomes an even more major trading
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partner great opportunities for US
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exports lots of US firms getting in on
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the ground services sectors starting to
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open up all this sort of stuff and now
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here we are 2019 and suddenly the worm
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seems to have turned a bit we're on the
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brink of or some would say deeply into a
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trade war where we've got 250 billion
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with perhaps another amount of that 250
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260 billion more Chinese goods possibly
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subject to tariffs from the US China's
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retaliated with 110 billion u.s. goods
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being subject to tariffs we've had these
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trade negotiations which keep not quite
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reaching a result a lot going on so what
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happened how did we get from the rosy
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days of 2002 the current really much
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much less happy a state of us-china
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trade relations well I mean first of all
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the days weren't necessarily rosy in
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2000 and I'll come to that in a minute
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but of course China's reform and opening
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started with dumb chopping so really
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started in 1978 as you say it's been 40
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years and starting with dong chopping
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with sort of tentative steps toward
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reform continuing on through the 1990s
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and into the first half of the tooth
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thousands you saw China not only
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affecting internal economic reform on
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its own but also through WTO accession
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expanding and deepening that reform very
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significantly let's keep in mind that
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china is the world's second largest
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importer second largest importer and
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that would not have happened without a
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WTO entry but what happened is while
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China had been on a convergent course or
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near a more convergent course with
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Western market economics and therefore
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the WTO what we saw around 2005-2006 was
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that China's internal reform and opening
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began to sputter and then it stopped and
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rather than continuing on a converging
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course China began to diverge course an
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undersea Jinping that divergent course a
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statist approach has accelerated
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significantly so that China's internal
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economy while robust and so on and it's
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external trade relationships are really
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no longer in sync with where its largest
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trading partners tend to be why did this
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happen it's hard to know what fully the
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motives were except that China turned
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from more market oriented systems toward
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a resurgence of state-led enterprises
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toward the creation of champion
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companies Huawei being one but not the
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only one toward heavy subsidization of
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favored sectors in the mid 2000s those
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were called strategic emerging
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industries now they're all routinely
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referred to as made in China 2025 and
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for China in China's view this seemed to
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be a better course in that the state
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became the dominant after an undersea
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Jinping of course the party is even more
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dominant still
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so now we see the US and China in
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conflict China is also in conflict with
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its other major trading partners with
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Europe Australia and others because of
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its economic practices principally on
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the technology side but not exclusively
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on the technology side and so that's one
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threat second threat and the current
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tensions is the u.s. financial meltdown
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in 2008-2009 which continues to
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reverberate today but China saw an
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opening to make its own path the u.s.
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did relatively little to stop it at that
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point third strand in this story is I
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think a failure on the part of the u.s.
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to adequately enforce the commitments
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China made there were many specific
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commitments made that applied only to
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China including for example a
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prohibition on forced technology
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transfer remarkably the US has never
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sued China on that basis so a somewhat
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lacks enforcement regime I think also
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contributed and finally I think a to
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slow realization of China's u-turn and
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so letting it get ahead of where
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policymakers then later discovered it
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was and I think all of these strands
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have come together to create a very
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difficult situation between the US and
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China
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not to mention job loss in the US on the
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manufacturing side that some economists
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have attributed to China so you've
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stressed the change in China in the u.s.
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reaction to it let me throw out a couple
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of other factors that are sometimes in
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the discussion and see if you think they
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mattered once one argument was that
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there was going to be a honeymoon period
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that when China first entered in 2000
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had been such a long tough slog to get
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the deal done and China really made some
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pretty big concessions it didn't try to
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take advantage of developing country
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exceptions to the rules under the WTO it
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didn't try to take the socialist
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transitional economy thing that had
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agreed to things like a very short
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trigger for essentially surges of
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exports so it took a pretty tough deal
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and although many reforms had been
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as you've pointed out and although the
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story that's often told that would she
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would know better than just about
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anybody is that then Chinese premier
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Jerome G saw the WTO commitment as a way
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of forcing through reform at home so how
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much foot was okay we're gonna give you
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some amount of time we're gonna give me
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some number of years and by the middle
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2000s and a bit later that starts to
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wear out and it's worn out even more now
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do you buy that part of the story
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another one is that as China's moved up
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the value chain they're starting to
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compete in industries that really matter
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to the US we've lost textiles we've lost
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a lot of low end electronics already but
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when we're getting into the IP intensive
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industries it's now kind of hitting us
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where we live do you think that's part
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of the story absolutely so the
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composition of China's trade with the US
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has changed as you said in the earlier
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years they were exporting low value
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goods we were exporting high-value goods
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now we're competing increasingly on sort
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of mid-level technologies and
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technological goods but we are becoming
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fast competitors on higher-end
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technology in part a function of theft
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by China and forced technology transfer
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requirements in China and in part a
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function of China being an extremely
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inventive and innovative society quite
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on its own so there's no question that
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has led to the tension and indeed when
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people talk about the trade war I think
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of it as a technology war rather more
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than a trade war and with respect to the
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honeymoon period I think that in the
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beginning China implemented its WTO
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commitments actually rather well and
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that implementation period went better
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than many thought it would go I think it
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was by that time of course the Clinton
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ministration was long since over but I
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think that George W Bush administration
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watched that pretty carefully but then I
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think as things began to lapse as
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promises were made and not kept by China
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with respect to further reform and
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opening then I think you saw a rather a
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bit of a lackadaisical view part of that
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was the US financial crisis in
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inward turning by the us the importance
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of stabilizing the US economy and
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China's importance at that time as being
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one of the few sources of demand for a
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world in which there was a dearth too
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little demand able to pull countries
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back out of what was becoming a very
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steep recessionary spiral so part of it
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was that part of it was u.s. involvement
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Middle East Wars further diverting its
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attention from China and part of it as I
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say may have been that some of China's
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actions which were clearer which were
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clear to people on the ground were less
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clear to policymakers and there was
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simply a sort of a failure of a meeting
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of the minds sufficiently early in this
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process of divergence to bring total
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right the ship one of the other
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developments in that period you're
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talking about of course was complaints
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about China being slow to open service
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sectors financial services insurance
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areas where they're heavily regulated so
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it's maybe a little harder to pick up
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exactly where we're crossing the line
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from legitimate regulation into
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protectionism so you've mentioned that
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the u.s. being a little slow to push
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back now the u.s. did use WTO mechanisms
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the US and China have been since China's
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entry about the most frequent WTO
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litigants out there and many of them
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involve complaints about Chinese
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practices so it's either a US complaint
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about a Chinese practice or a Chinese
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complaint about the u.s. imposing an
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anti dumping duties or a countervailing
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duty which ultimately is about a Chinese
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practice but you think we didn't do that
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all that much I'm gathering and and so
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what could we have done more either
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under the WTO general rules or under the
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specific provisions that China committed
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to in its protocol of accession some of
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which of course are now lapsed right so
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I think on the issue of specific WTO
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cases the US was certainly right to
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pursue the cases that have pursued no
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quarrel with that
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win-loss record is very good in favor of
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the United States and all of that is
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positive I think that the protocol of
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accession which prohibited forced
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transfer should have been the subject of
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the case it wasn't I suspect
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because of some difficulty in gathering
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evidence companies are reluctant to come
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forward they also don't want to admit
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technology was stolen which is the same
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actually in the United States as well
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second of all the disciplines imposed on
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state enterprise and state enterprise
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activities could have been the basis for
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an additional suit and last of course
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and most important the agreement as you
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noted prohibited surges of imports of
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Chinese goods into the United States if
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they cost market disruption in the US
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market disruption is a very low legal
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standard and if China were found to be
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creating market disruption in any sector
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the president United States would have
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been authorized to undertake any action
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he or she deemed warranted quotas
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tariffs prohibitions bans so on and so
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forth
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that should have been done and should
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have been utilized it was a provision
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that was utilized only once in 12 years
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that was by Barack Obama but in addition
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under the general WTO agreement there is
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something called nullification and
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impairment it's sort of the nuclear
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option but I think quite justified in
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this case and that is it's a provision
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that allows a party let's say the United
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States to essentially sue another party
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let's say China on the basis that the
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benefits the United States thought it
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would get from China's WTO accession
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have not fully occurred and that China
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and that's because China has reverted to
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a kind of state-led approach to its
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economy heavy discrimination against
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foreign companies heavy subsidization of
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homegrown companies that these practices
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and many others have nullified or
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impaired the benefits we the United
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States thought we would get other
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countries clearly would have joined that
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suit because many have exactly the same
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complaints and what is the remedy if you
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were to win which is not easy to do but
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what's the remedy if you were to win you
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could forego MFN
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which is very nuclear the point of the
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case would have been to bring China to
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the table in a serious way that would
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have been the point of the case and as
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you point out MFN has been there it
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wasn't obligatory until the legislation
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in 2000 but even in the wake of
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Tiananmen which is the closest we came
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to yanking MFN ultimately we did and
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ultimately we didn't exactly so what do
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you think of the critique that says
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although many of the points you make
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that is Chinese behavior that is not
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consistent with WTO commitments or
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obligations we could have done more with
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that but there's a critique that says
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some of the things that are problematic
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in China's economic behavior are hard to
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police with WTO rules nobody police's
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intellectual-property perfectly how much
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is enough maybe you can police flat-out
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state subsidization but what do you do
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about companies that maybe get the
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nudge-nudge wink-wink that they don't
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have to worry about the bottom line
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fully or they pursue a more politicized
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strategies where's the line between that
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and legitimate industrial policy there's
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a bunch of gray there is this a systemic
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problem where the WTO does a good job of
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catching trade law violations by
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countries that operate the way the u.s.
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does but a less good job at allowing us
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to police that kind of behavior I think
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it's very difficult to police the kind
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of behavior you've said even in the
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context of countries that abide by WTO
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rules so there are many intellectual
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property cases the US has brought
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against Canada against Europe clearly
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these are market economies rule of law
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countries similar to the United States
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and yet you'll see cases on that
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European state-owned enterprises were a
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big issue for the United States during
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the 1970s 1980s very difficult to police
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there's no question China system is
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difficult to police in what we would
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call these gray areas as they are for
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other countries that also operate in
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these kinds of gray areas to me the best
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use of US time would have been to begin
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to remake the WTO and thereby push China
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in the
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action of either reform sustainably
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durably or be completely disadvantaged
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commercially and the way the US should
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have done that is to stay in TPP the
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trans-pacific partnership which created
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a very high standard agreement covering
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many of these areas that are in this
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gray zone it should then have taken that
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agreement to Europe then you have 60% of
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global GDP on a system different from
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the WTO system by different I mean much
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more rigorous much tougher on countries
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much better dispute settlement system
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then China can choose does it wanna have
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the economic opportunity of 260 percent
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of the global economy or does it want to
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be disadvantaged and at a minimum it
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would have strengths in the United
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States and the u.s. Alliance structure
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quite apart from whatever trying to
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decided to do and it would have in
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effect rewritten the rules of the WTO
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because it's hard to ignore 60% of
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global GDP so to my mind this would have
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been a more constructive way of
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proceeding a more durable way of
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proceeding one that didn't hurt the US
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economy as tariffs do since tariffs or
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taxes on consumers and one that
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reinforced the United States Alliance
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structure with its closest partners and
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I think that is an aspect that is not
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often discussed but is one of the most
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critical features of what TPP would have
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done it would have cemented the u.s.
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position in Asia which China does not
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want to see would have strengthened our
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allies in Asia which China would rather
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not see and would have led to better
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balance in Asia no one picking sides but
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a balance of power in Asia which will
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slowly erode over time without
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agreements of this sort for the United
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States so you're telling a compelling
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story about some constant themes that
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run through the nearly 20 years and
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really
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before that when we first started
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talking really at the dawn of the WTO
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about China's possible accession but the
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sort of political atmospherics of this
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have been a little more ragged in a
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sense we started with what were perhaps
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inflated expectations and there were
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reasons to do this in domestic politics
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but to say that engaging China and the
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WTO would lead to all sorts of great
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changes in China and those haven't fully
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panned out for reasons you've talked
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about and maybe they were a little
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exaggerated because of the need to sell
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Congress or a little optimistic perhaps
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then we went through the phase with the
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TPP when Obama said again perhaps not
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the best external politics but
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understandable internal politics that
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the TPP was part of a contest between
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the US and China about who would write
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the rules of the international economy
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for the 21st century and now we're in a
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rather different moment and some of the
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things you have said are China I was
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China's problems problems with China in
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the relationship with the US and the
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broader engagement with the
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international order some of your list is
00:18:45
a bit like the list one would hear from
00:18:46
the Trump administration coerced
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intellectual property transfer outright
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intellectual property theft problems
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with market access problems with
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selective application be it
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anti-monopoly law or regulation these
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are things you've spoken about in our
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conversation and in other contexts
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that's a pretty familiar list but I'm
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guessing that somehow if I were to have
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Robert light hyzer rather than Sharlene
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our chefs key of that chair we might get
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a slightly different discussion about
00:19:08
how one should pursue dealing with those
00:19:10
problems so what's the Trump
00:19:12
administration doing wrong and what are
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they doing right in your opinion well
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the list of problems with China has been
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well known and they were the subject of
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much of the engagement and WTO
00:19:26
enforcement actions taken during the
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eight years of the Obama administration
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there's nothing new in the list a little
00:19:33
more evidence here a little less
00:19:34
evidence there so on and so forth but
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the list has been well known the process
00:19:39
of engagement that had been undertaken I
00:19:41
think by Obama which combined
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negotiation with China with TPP
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that is to say negotiation with China's
00:19:52
other trading partners for a different
00:19:54
arrangement coupled with WTO enforcement
00:19:57
actions I always thought was basically
00:19:59
about right in terms of
00:20:02
position but not right in terms of Moxie
00:20:06
and in terms of real push against China
00:20:11
and these dialogues that were held
00:20:14
during the Obama years became more way
00:20:16
for China to manage the United States
00:20:18
than the u.s. managing China so this I
00:20:22
think helps spawn the kind of Trump
00:20:27
administration approach which is take a
00:20:29
two-by-four whack the head with a
00:20:32
two-by-four and if the patient hasn't
00:20:34
died see what you can extract and the
00:20:37
real question there is how durable is
00:20:39
that whatever will be announced we
00:20:43
already know will be the best the
00:20:45
biggest president has used the word
00:20:47
himself the most epic trade agreement
00:20:49
ever done here it's been 20 years post
00:20:54
WTO and we've come to this point where
00:20:56
will we be in 20 years following the
00:21:00
two-by-four approach the internal
00:21:02
reforms that are asked of China our
00:21:06
reforms long known to China and the
00:21:09
international community if it wants to
00:21:12
propel itself forward so these are
00:21:15
reforms outlined in many reports
00:21:18
including in the China 2030 strategy
00:21:21
done by the World Bank many years ago
00:21:24
those reforms if they had been installed
00:21:29
over these many years would have made
00:21:32
China stronger would have made its
00:21:34
economy rather more stable than it is
00:21:37
today and would have ameliorated some of
00:21:40
the problems we see in China's financial
00:21:42
sector in particular and therefore would
00:21:46
have put China on a firmer footing than
00:21:50
it is now so these reforms have to be
00:21:54
undertaken by China if it's going to
00:21:57
propel itself forward on the basis of
00:21:59
real data not made-up numbers and if it
00:22:03
wants to escape the middle income trap
00:22:05
so on and so forth and so we'll have to
00:22:09
see I did whatever comes out of the
00:22:10
administration we already know how it
00:22:12
will be announced and it will take a
00:22:14
number of years before we see
00:22:16
the outcome will be in the interim to my
00:22:20
mind the single most important thing the
00:22:22
u.s. can do is get its own house in
00:22:24
order it doesn't matter
00:22:26
what China does how fast or how slow it
00:22:29
goes if our infrastructure is crumbling
00:22:31
if we don't provide R&D funding to our
00:22:34
major research institutions if we don't
00:22:39
have budgetary capacity to do the things
00:22:42
in the United States we need to be doing
00:22:44
analyst is well known on education and
00:22:46
other fronts it is a strengthening of
00:22:49
the United States that is a single most
00:22:52
important thing we can do if we're on an
00:22:56
economically stronger footing if we're
00:22:59
better educated if we're funding are
00:23:02
indeed the way we used to fund R&D we're
00:23:04
still riding on the coattails of R&D
00:23:06
funding from the 1950s if we funded it
00:23:08
the way we did then if we strengthened
00:23:14
our alliance structure as we did then
00:23:17
which is the way the u.s. projects power
00:23:20
it we would be in a far better position
00:23:24
to address China in other words we can't
00:23:28
control what China does at the end of
00:23:30
the day it's one it's a it's a fifth of
00:23:33
the world's population the world's
00:23:35
second biggest economy and soon the
00:23:37
world's biggest oil the world's biggest
00:23:39
economy on a purchase power parity basis
00:23:41
just about coming very close to the US
00:23:44
now on that basis but we can completely
00:23:47
control what we do within the United
00:23:49
States and that has to be a principal
00:23:53
part of any program with respect to
00:23:56
China and there of course China is
00:23:58
throwing immense resources that some of
00:24:00
these undertakings R&D of its own
00:24:02
requiring R&D shops to be open to by
00:24:04
foreign investors and all that there's
00:24:05
some question about how efficient it is
00:24:06
but it's certainly a large number so I
00:24:08
certainly take the point that on both
00:24:10
sides strength begins at home with the
00:24:12
domestic economy and all that that makes
00:24:13
possible militarily and otherwise but we
00:24:16
still do have a bilateral relationship
00:24:17
which I think most people accurately
00:24:19
describe as the world's most important
00:24:20
bilateral relationship and the broader
00:24:23
atmospherics beyond the trade and
00:24:24
investment disputes you've been talking
00:24:26
about or not so good right now it wasn't
00:24:28
too long ago that there seemed to be a
00:24:29
pro and
00:24:30
agent consensus in the US and now it has
00:24:32
turned almost 180 degrees at least in
00:24:35
policy-relevant
00:24:36
circles and I'm wondering what you see
00:24:39
as the things that have contributed to
00:24:41
that and whether we can manage our way
00:24:43
out of it I mean some things have
00:24:44
changed since the negotiations you were
00:24:47
doing back in the run-up to 2000 the
00:24:49
business community in the US was then
00:24:50
very supportive of China getting in the
00:24:52
WTO now it's a much less happy group
00:24:54
with his experiences on the ground in
00:24:56
China and the Republican Party which has
00:24:59
often been relatively free trade at
00:25:01
least part of the time is now very much
00:25:02
in line with taking a tougher line
00:25:05
toward China and we have a national
00:25:07
security set of issues in the mix this
00:25:09
has come up with Huawei has come up with
00:25:10
ZTE so that's a pretty long list of
00:25:12
things that make the relationship a lot
00:25:14
tougher do you think those were
00:25:15
intractable can they be managed how
00:25:17
should they weigh in to our
00:25:19
considerations because as you know one
00:25:20
of the big critiques of the Trump
00:25:21
administration has been a tendency to
00:25:23
mix national security concerns with
00:25:25
trade concerns so that's a big a big
00:25:28
question we're almost out of time so I
00:25:29
throw it all idealize right exactly but
00:25:32
I would say this there has to be a way
00:25:35
to manage the relationship or it's war
00:25:37
which is unthinkable on almost every
00:25:42
basis one could consider so we have to
00:25:44
say well first of all let's set aside
00:25:47
ideology they have a particular
00:25:50
political system we won't change that we
00:25:52
have a particular political system they
00:25:54
won't change that and put that aside a
00:25:58
moment we have some common concerns
00:26:03
whether it is or was climate change or
00:26:07
whether it is global pandemics whatever
00:26:11
it might be global terrorism there are
00:26:13
some common concerns China contributes
00:26:16
less than as advertised
00:26:18
and that has s has been advertised by
00:26:21
the United States but even with that you
00:26:24
obviously want to cooperate if it's in
00:26:26
your interest to cooperate it won't
00:26:28
always be in your interest to cooperate
00:26:29
that's for sure but where it is you
00:26:32
can't put yourself in an adversarial
00:26:34
position such that you can never
00:26:36
cooperate because again then the only
00:26:38
thing you have left is something that is
00:26:40
potentially exceedingly dangerous
00:26:44
with no stop to it then with respect to
00:26:48
those issues that are the difficult
00:26:50
issues I think the United States has to
00:26:53
continue to not only work toward moving
00:26:58
China in the right direction working
00:27:01
with its allies working through other
00:27:05
agreements that leave China out putting
00:27:08
greater economic pressure on China and
00:27:12
taking counter measures if we need to in
00:27:16
other words if China persists in the
00:27:18
direction it's going in I think the
00:27:21
United States will simply have to take
00:27:23
its own measures as Trump has done but
00:27:25
Trump has done it without having tested
00:27:28
the proposition whether he had to do it
00:27:30
this way and my own view is he never had
00:27:33
to do it this way and it will affect the
00:27:35
durability of whatever is agreed to but
00:27:38
last I would say the engagement strategy
00:27:42
never died what are negotiations if not
00:27:45
engagement during the Obama years these
00:27:49
meetings were negotiations they weren't
00:27:52
pointed enough they weren't narrow
00:27:54
enough they weren't focused enough there
00:27:56
were too many things on the table that
00:27:58
got lost but engagement is negotiation
00:28:02
that's what's happening now engagement
00:28:05
with the calls between bush and cg and
00:28:07
pea between Trump and si Jinping these
00:28:10
used to be conversations between si
00:28:12
Jinping and Obama and before si Jinping
00:28:14
between who Jintao and Obama so these
00:28:19
elements of engagement persist and will
00:28:22
have to persist because we have to
00:28:25
manage this relationship in such a way
00:28:28
that the pieces can fit okay together
00:28:33
not great but okay but in the meantime
00:28:37
the United States has to strengthen
00:28:41
itself I can't emphasize enough the
00:28:43
importance it is so fundamental it's
00:28:47
fundamental to our future and the way in
00:28:51
which we can continue to play the
00:28:55
leadership role we've played
00:28:57
which is very important because it does
00:28:59
matter who writes the rules and it does
00:29:01
matter who's in the position to enforce
00:29:03
the rules the US by dint of its economic
00:29:07
size and the attractiveness of our
00:29:09
market was almost always in a position
00:29:11
to enforce the rules through formal and
00:29:15
informal means we have to remain in a
00:29:18
position to do that we won't be the only
00:29:20
country who can do it any longer
00:29:22
but we have to remain in a position
00:29:24
where we can still do that well thank
00:29:26
you very much for sharing your expertise
00:29:28
your long experience in this field I
00:29:30
think it's an extremely useful reminder
00:29:32
of all the subtle work that's done
00:29:34
through policymakers and through
00:29:35
diplomats that all too often gets
00:29:37
drowned out by the rhetoric and the
00:29:40
swings over broad policies whether they
00:29:42
be decoupling or or as you say taking
00:29:44
the two-by-four and I just hope that
00:29:46
message gets through to to everyone out
00:29:49
there who's listening to this and
00:29:50
hopefully have some role in getting us
00:29:51
through the current difficult period
00:29:52
thank you so much ambassador of our
00:29:54
chefs q my pleasure thank you for more
00:29:58
insight from knowledge at Wharton please
00:30:00
visit knowledge Wharton UPenn edu
00:30:06
[Music]

Episode Highlights

  • The Trade War Begins
    The discussion highlights the shift from cooperation to conflict in US-China trade relations, marking a significant turning point.
    “We're on the brink of a trade war.”
    @ 01m 14s
    May 02, 2019
  • China's Economic Divergence
    An analysis of how China's economic reforms have stalled and diverged from Western market practices.
    “China's internal reform and opening began to sputter and then it stopped.”
    @ 02m 56s
    May 02, 2019
  • US Trade Enforcement Failures
    A critique of the US's lack of action against China's trade practices, particularly regarding technology transfer.
    “The US has never sued China for forced technology transfer.”
    @ 05m 24s
    May 02, 2019
  • The Importance of Domestic Strength
    Strengthening the U.S. economy is crucial for addressing challenges posed by China.
    “Strength begins at home with the domestic economy.”
    @ 24m 10s
    May 02, 2019
  • Managing U.S.-China Relations
    Effective management of U.S.-China relations is essential to avoid conflict.
    “We have to manage this relationship in such a way that the pieces can fit.”
    @ 28m 28s
    May 02, 2019
  • Who Enforces the Rules?
    The U.S. must maintain its position to enforce global economic rules.
    “It matters who writes the rules and who's in the position to enforce them.”
    @ 28m 59s
    May 02, 2019

Episode Quotes

  • China's internal reform and opening began to sputter and then it stopped.
    Trade War with China
  • The US has never sued China for forced technology transfer.
    Trade War with China
  • The best use of US time would have been to remake the WTO.
    Trade War with China
  • Strength begins at home with the domestic economy.
    Trade War with China
  • We have to manage this relationship in such a way that the pieces can fit.
    Trade War with China
  • It matters who writes the rules and who's in the position to enforce them.
    Trade War with China

Key Moments

  • Trade War01:14
  • Enforcement Failures05:24
  • WTO Reform Discussion15:28
  • Middle Income Trap22:03
  • U.S. Infrastructure22:24
  • R&D Funding22:31
  • Bilateral Relationship24:17
  • Engagement Strategy27:42

Words per Minute Over Time

Vibes Breakdown

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