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Can We Fix Retirement Inequality?

April 15, 2025 / 13:23

This episode of The Ripple Effect features Kent Smetters, Faculty Director of the Penn Wharton Budget Model, discussing retirement savings, low-income households, and intergenerational wealth.

Smetters highlights the significant gap in retirement savings among lower-income households, with about half lacking adequate savings. He emphasizes the importance of Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid, noting their pressures and the need for alternative solutions.

The conversation includes a proposal for automated retirement accounts for low-income households, aiming to create a nest egg of around $200,000. Smetters explains how this could be achieved through a reallocation of current tax subsidies.

He also addresses the desire among low-income households, particularly in Black communities, to leave bequeathable wealth to their heirs. Smetters argues that this approach could alleviate pressure on government programs while promoting financial independence.

The episode concludes with Smetters sharing positive feedback from policymakers regarding the proposed retirement savings strategy, indicating a growing interest in solutions for enhancing retirement security.

TLDR

Kent Smetters discusses retirement savings gaps and solutions for low-income households, emphasizing intergenerational wealth creation.

Episode

13:23
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Kent Smetters: It's going to be— the Trust Fund is going to deplete with— within a decade. And so I think, you know, it's— there's
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partly that comfort, but also what we hear— heard from a lot of low-income households— over the last 20 years, when I was with
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the administration, the Bush Administration and then since, is that they want to leave something that's bequeathable to
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their heirs. And so we also especially heard this— coming from Black households, and the Black members, for example, of
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the Social Security Commission under President Bush, was that there's this great need for, you know, how do we create
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intergenerational wealth? And these types of accounts, they'll be fully bequeathable.
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Welcome to <i>The Ripple Effect</i>, the podcast that takes you on a journey
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through the minds of Wharton faculty. I'm your host, Dan Loney, and in each episode, we'll be diving deep into the
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inspiration behind the groundbreaking research that Wharton professors have conducted and exploring how
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their findings resonate with the world today. Well, one of the concerns around retirement savings is the gap between the
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haves and the have nots. So how do households who are considered to be in lower income brackets still secure that level of
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retirement finance that they're going to need? It's an area that has been looked at and focused on by the Penn Wharton Budget
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Model, and we are pleased to have their Faculty Director, Wharton Professor Kent Smetters, joining us here in studio. Great
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to see you, Kent. - Great to be back. Why is this component, though, so important when we think about retirement,
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especially to do the research that you've done on this? So, about half of households in the United States really don't
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have a lot of material savings toward retirement. Now, one could argue that could be actually optimal if you believe
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that Social Security benefits, Medicare benefits, and believe it or not, Medicaid, because that actually pays for the long
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term care component of in retirement— if you think that those are going to pay as scheduled. You know, not having
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a lot of saving may be okay for a lot of these households. But those programs are under a lot of pressure right now, and they
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are contributing to large shortfalls in our projected finances for the country. And it's always good to have your
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own nest egg as well. And so that— I think that's why— on one hand, things get embellished by some people that say that, you know,
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there's a huge, huge problem here. On the other hand, there is a problem, still. Some of it is caused by government policy
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itself, but there is a problem. And this is something that at least policymakers are aware
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of, or at least they want to get more information about so we know a potential path that we need to go down. -That's
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right, and in particular— so policymakers are certainly aware of— that a lot of the low-income households in their districts
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really are not saving that much for retirement, and that, you know, we ask, why is programs like Social Security, Medicare
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and Medicaid kind of the third rail of politics? It's partly because people have become so dependent on those programs, no
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one wants to touch them. But at the same time, there's no question going forward, we're gonna have to figure out another
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approach. - $200,000 was the level that you used in the research. Take us through
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why that level is important in terms of determining that level of retirement savings that
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people would have. - Yeah. So the thought experiment was as follows. You know, people don't think we do, necessarily, a lot of
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direct subsidy for retirement income in the United States. In fact, we do. When you calculate your AGI, your
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adjustable gross income, the "A" component there doesn't get a lot of attention, but there's a big, big tax write-off there,
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and that's through the fact that you can put in your— your contributions to a traditional 401(k) and a— on a pre-tax, or as a
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post-tax for a Roth 401(k). Both are tax subsidies. And so we spend about, as a country, about one and a quarter trillion
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dollars over 10 years for that— that subsidy, the combination of that traditional and the Roth. And if we just said, okay, we
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know who's benefiting from that is typically higher-income people. We also know that it doesn't have a huge impact on
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how much they actually save for retirement. That's what the research seems to suggest. In nerdy language, they don't have
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a big elasticity response to the tax incentives there. And so if we took that money and we set up automated retirement accounts
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for our lower-income households. And the idea would be, we just simply use the current administration of the Earned
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Income Tax Credit. No more administration. The same— basically the same qualifications, the same rules,
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different phase outs in terms of all that, but essentially we do a 10% contribution of income. So it's not like freebies here. You
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still have to work and so forth. We could use that money to really boost up low-income household savings accounts. And
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if you're a younger person, 25 years old, and you're on one of these, you know, low-income paths, we could, over time, get
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you, on a risk-adjusted basis, close to around $200,000 of retirement income or retirement savings, that then can be
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annuitized or converted into some type of income. And that could then top up Social Security and things like that. And so the
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same budget costs could be redirected toward kind of lower income. And ultimately totally expand— since we know the high
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income are not going to cut back a lot in their saving. The low income now are going to have saving. The net saving in society
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is going to go up. - What do you think that does, then, to debt overall, when you have that
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component factored in to the mix of retirement savings? So what we try to do is construct it in a way that's roughly
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revenue-neutral over 10 years. And so the idea is that, you know, we have these different options, kind of small, medium
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and large, and different phase outs, different matching rates and so forth. And the phase outs are— you know, obviously we're
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not going to be subsidizing 10% of income for really high-income folks, but this is for lower income. And so the idea is that
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the medium one basically is revenue neutral over a 10-year period. And so the low is, you know, less than you actually
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will now make money as the government, save some revenue. And the high is, it costs you a little bit more than current
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revenue costs associated with the 401(k) and 403(b) type of deductions. Technically speaking, those are adjustments
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rather than deductions. And so as a result, you know, we can get low-income households a pretty nice nest egg. And that's not
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playing tricks with, like, crazy returns. This is on the risk- adjusted basis. - Is the belief that
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being able to reach that 200,000 plateau is something that can provide lower- income households not only that
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nest egg, but a level of comfort that maybe they haven't had in the past? - That's right.
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And there's a couple things that can happen with it. One is that, yes, Social Security is going to be there in
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some form. You know, exactly how big it will be and so forth— but still not— you know, Social Security doesn't even guarantee that
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you'll stay out of poverty in old age. And so it's possible that your— your benefit is not going to be that big, and so
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forth. And who knows what the future brings, given that it's going to be— the Trust Fund's gonna deplete with— within a decade.
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And so I think, you know, it's— there's partly that comfort. But also what we've heard— heard from a lot of low-income households
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over the last 20 years, when I was with the administration, the Bush Administration, then since, is that they want to leave
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something that's bequeathable to their heirs. And so we also especially heard this coming from Black households, and the
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Black members, for example, of the Social Security Commission under President Bush, was that there's this great need for, you
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know, how do we create intergenerational wealth? And these types of accounts, they will be fully bequeathable. In
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particular, on one hand, they're designed in a way that you can't tap into them before retirement, because you can't top them up.
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These are purely non- contribution. The government does the— does the full contribution. The idea there is
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that, therefore, there's no right for you to tap into these before retirement. They are truly retirement accounts. Other
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hand, they are fully bequeathable, unlike Social Security. You can't bequeath your feature Social Security benefit after
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you die. And so I think this idea of being able to build up intergenerational wealth, helping your kid buy a— put a down
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payment for a house, you know, I think that can create a lot of value for people.
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How do you think, then, that concept really tackles the larger issue of just being able to build up retirement savings, and to a
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degree, the understanding of how to go about doing that? Yeah, yeah. I mean, there's stuff in here that I think both
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sides of the political spectrum should really like. One is a much greater tilt toward low- income houses and building up
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wealth and so forth. On the other hand, if I were on the opposite side of the political spectrum, I would say, you know
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what? This also means a little less pressure on Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid. Some people view this as kind of
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camel's nose under the tent strategy. There's no tent there. But the point is, is that you know, why have half of the
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population rely so heavily on those sources of income, of— of Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid for long-term care
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when, you know, I think they're looking for some more independence. I think people's sense of their ability to rely
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on the government to deliver in the future, you know— especially where our federal debt is exploding right now. We are now
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making higher interest payments than military, we're spending on the military. That does not bode well in history for countries
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that do that. And so I think it is— given the great uncertainty going forward, this is kind of a more decentralized way of
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creating comfort. - So is this part way, a path to trying to get lower income households the concept of fully—
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fully-funded retirement savings programs? Well, it certainly can augment that. You know, could you— if you
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go into retirement— and all this is after adjusting for inflation as well. - Sure. Yeah. And so it's like $200,000
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in today's dollars. So could— you know, you live in retirement on $200,000? You
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probably could. It wouldn't be a super comfortable, you know, standard of living. So I think this is more of a top up of— for
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Social Security. But even if Social Security, over time, really focused on poverty relief, rather than just, you know, this
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kind of image of the pension- like type system— I mean, not— that could actually be done really slowly over time, so that
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people who are age 50 and above today, for example, are not impacted at all. But slowly change the retirement age,
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slowly change the benefit structure, so that it focuses much more on poverty relief and so forth. You could— you could
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save money there, but you could also make sure people stay out of poverty. But they're not going to have a great life, you
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know, just on Social Security. - Sure. Yeah. But this can actually give them a fuller retirement. And again, for a lot of low-income
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households, that— what they really care about is— and I don't think this gets enough attention, especially in the
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Black community, Hispanic communities, where we've heard this from, is they really want something that is that— the idea
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of bequeathing wealth to the next generation. That shouldn't just be the rich white people thing, that should be something
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that's universal. - What's the reaction that you get to this idea from the policymakers
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right now? - Yeah, you know, I was shocked. Some of the policymakers were like, more—
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they actually were really gung- ho about it. They thought this was really cool. On one hand, you know, right now they're all
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focused on, you know, extenders for Tax Cuts and Jobs Act and things like that. And— but none— nonetheless, the reaction from
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both sides has been positive. It'd be— people are often nervous about, you know, is there a hidden agenda here and so forth? And it's no. I
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mean, it's just a way of trying to secure more retirement. You know, from the industry, I've— we've gotten some feedback, and,
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you know, some of the industry trade groups, they always have to attack every idea out there. You know, because that's— that's
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how they rationalize their existence. But from the players, the industry players themselves, they've— they actually, you
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know, agree with the statement that higher-income people are not going to really reduce their retirement saving that much from
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losing this tax benefit from the 401(k) deduction. And low-income people that are— this is definitely gonna boost up
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retirement. So overall retirement saving should actually increase, and that's something that they can— they
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feel like they can really tap into and provide things like streams of income, annuities and so forth.
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Kent, great to see you again. Thanks very much. - Thanks for having me. Thank you. Kent Smetters, who is Faculty Director of the Penn
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Wharton Budget Model. - Thank you for listening to <i>The Ripple Effect</i>.
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We hope you found this episode informative and engaging. Don't forget to subscribe and leave us a review
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so that we can continue to bring you the best insight from the Wharton School.

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Episode Highlights

  • Creating Intergenerational Wealth
    Smetters explains the need for accounts that can be bequeathed to heirs.
    “There’s this great need for how do we create intergenerational wealth?”
    @ 00m 31s
    April 15, 2025
  • The Ripple Effect Podcast Introduction
    Join host Dan Loney as he explores groundbreaking research from Wharton faculty.
    “Welcome to The Ripple Effect, the podcast that takes you on a journey...”
    @ 00m 39s
    April 15, 2025
  • Retirement Savings Gap
    Kent Smetters discusses the disparity in retirement savings among different income brackets.
    “About half of households in the United States really don’t have a lot of material savings toward retirement.”
    @ 01m 32s
    April 15, 2025
  • Policymakers' Positive Reaction
    Smetters shares that policymakers are supportive of new retirement savings ideas.
    “The reaction from both sides has been positive.”
    @ 11m 52s
    April 15, 2025

Episode Quotes

  • They want to leave something that’s bequeathable to their heirs.
    Can We Fix Retirement Inequality?
  • This idea of being able to build up intergenerational wealth...
    Can We Fix Retirement Inequality?
  • That shouldn’t just be the rich white people thing, that should be something universal.
    Can We Fix Retirement Inequality?

Key Moments

  • Intergenerational Wealth00:17
  • Retirement Savings Gap01:32
  • Policymakers' Support11:52

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